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Ethnic Groups in Bulgaria Are More Apart Than Many Believe

17 07 2007  The transition to democracy has only increased the gap between ethnic communities in the country and there is no strategy to deal with the problem.

By Albena Shkodrova in Sofia

Want to stir ethnic troubles? Take a state with weak institutions, throw in a reasonable quantity of poverty and feelings of injustice, add a generous pinch of populism and there you are.

Bulgaria in 2007 has more or less all the needed ingredients for the recipe. Poverty is still very much present – the average income is only a quarter of the EU average, while living costs are starting to catch up with those in Europe.

Crucial social institutions are failing to perform their basic duties. Healthcare, the pensions system and other types of social care have barely functioned for years.

A recent survey by the Alpha Research polling agency revealed the public’s deep discontent with the government’s performance in these areas.

The judiciary is criticised both locally and internationally. So far, it has spectacularly failed to establish itself as a tool in the fight against corruption and organized crime, both flourishing in Bulgaria.

Although firm guidance from the EU has brought some progress in all these fields, the effect is not felt by the general public. The extent to which society distrusts institutions remains extremely high. Polls show as many as 70 per cent have no faith in parliament and the courts, while about 50 per cent do not trust the police, either.

Populism is also on the scene, pushing the political spectrum further to the right. The extreme right-wing Ataka party has quickly obtained a strong position in parliament and steadily increases its influence.

Ataka’s leader, Volen Siderov, was the closest rival to the current president, Georgi Purvanov, during the last round of presidential elections in 2006, leaving the candidates of much more important parties trailing behind.

Ataka’s successful use of populism has also inspired other parties to rely more on nationalism in their political campaigns.

It is all fertile ground for various forms of ethnic and religious intolerance. Indeed, those who believe that during 17 years of transition to democracy Bulgaria has bridged the gaps between its ethnic groups on the basis of new democratic values and beliefs in human rights are deluding themselves. What has happened over these years is the opposite; the ethnic groups are further apart than ever.

Since the beginning of the transition to democracy, all ethnic groups started regaining their human rights. But obtaining the right to speak and study their own languages, demonstrate their religious beliefs or have political representation has only increased a common awareness of existing differences.

Bulgarian leaders keep repeating slogans about the “natural ethnic tolerance” of their society. But as Valentin Danchev, an analyst and sociologist, puts it, this merely “allows Bulgarians to daily practice their intolerant behaviour while at the same time believing they are an example of ethnic tolerance”.

Bulgarians make themselves believe that their country is a stable member of the EU, while ethnic problems in fact are around the corner.

Particularly troubling to many Bulgarians is the of positive discrimination. Many efforts have been made to improve the life of disadvantaged groups, especially with a view to improving the conditions of the Roma, who in many ways have been the greatest victims of the economic transition process.

But it has now become clear that these efforts did at least as much damage as good. Carried out in an unsystematic way and not as part of a national strategy, they have ended up having a negative impact on society as a whole, as well as on the targeted minorities.

On the one hand they failed to solve any of the minorities’ substantial problems, such as their disadvantaged position in education or the labour market.

On the other, the way in which the campaigns were performed or promoted created resentment among ordinary Bulgarians. The idea took root that taxpayers were being asked to guarantee an undeserved degree of comfort for “lazy” minorities. That idea now dominates street conversation, readers’ forums and journalistic publications.

“So, taxpayers’ money will go on sponsoring Gypsies,” reads one entry under an article about new social housing in Plovdiv for Roma families. “It would have been good to finance young Bulgarian families with two or more children for a change but it seems the state cares more for the Gypsies!”

Recently, even a government minister was heard using similar language. Emilia Maslarova, Minister of Social Affairs, said she wished she were a Roma, as she would not have to pay her utility bills.

Unhappy with the low level of social security afforded by state institutions, more and more people blame their misfortunes on minorities.

The idea that the Roma are responsible for most of the criminality in Bulgaria has developed in a similar fashion. Less openly, the idea has grown that the Muslim minority also cannot be trusted and may turn into a nest of terrorists overnight.

All these lines are at the forefront of the far rights’ populist rhetoric. “Impertinent Gypsy robs Innocent English Tourist,” is an all-too typical recent item from the Ataka party newspaper.

An Alpha Research poll, conducted last March, showed the number of people who view an ethnic conflict in Bulgaria as increasingly likely is higher than ever at 32 per cent. A still higher figure, 38 per cent, believe that if such a conflict breaks out, it will be between Bulgarians and ethnic Roma.

The issue facing Bulgaria is how to stop society from turning around that particular corner. It is a difficult task. It’s complicated further by the fact that most people do not even acknowledge the existence of the problem.


Albena Shkodrova is BIRN Bulgaria Country Director. Balkan Insight is BIRN`s online publication.

This article was created with the support of the US State Department and is part of the special package “Minorities in Bulgaria.”