Investigation: Montenegrin Police Claims Lift Lid on Political Abuse of the Force
16 05 2007 Two
policemen have spoken openly of how the ruling party pressured them
to solicit votes if they wanted to keep their jobs.
By
Sead Sadikovic in Bijelo Polje
Two
policemen from the northern town of Bijelo Polje, Suad Muratbasic and
Vlatko Vlaovic, have told Balkan Insight that officials of the ruling
Democratic Party of Socialists, DPS, told them to lobby neighbours
and friends to vote for the party in the last May referendum and
September's parliamentary elections.
Several
neighbours of the men have confirmed the claims, adding weight to
opposition and NGO accusations that the government has routinely
abused state agencies for years, especially the police.
Another
16 policemen who were laid off in February - ten of whom Balkan
Insight interviewed - have also said they were forced to lobby among
voters for the ruling party.
These
men are not ready to go public with the story out of fears that it
may affect their chances of getting valuable severance pay.
The
two ex-policemen who have agreed to be named, Muratbasic and Vlaovic,
worked for the police on the basis of contracts, renewed every couple
of months, so they have less to lose.
Muratbasic
lost his job on May 7, being blamed by the police forces for
"pressurising voters", the task that Muratbasic insists
he got from the ruling DPS. Additionally, he is blamed for talking to
media against internal police rules.
Many
NGO activists see this outcome as an attempt by the political
establishment to silence the other policemen.
Some
of them police insiders told Balkan Insight that their families are
under political pressure.
Muratbasic
broke the story to the media on February 22, claiming that for nine
years he had been pressurised to "work" his neighbours for
the benefit of the DPS if he wanted to gain permanent employment.
He
went public after he was transferred from his hometown to Berane, 30
kilometres away, without notice, and after it was announced that he
was among
1,500 surplus policemen about to be laid off.
After
going public, he was suspended in February, and the police started a
disciplinary procedure against him on account of his activities in
"pressuring voters",
and on May 7 he was fired. The police told him his contract had
expired and his services were no longer required.
Muratbasic
claimed that he was threatened with losing his job if he didn't do
the ruling party's bidding on the eve of last September’s
elections.
He
said a DPS deputy, Mevludin Nuhodzic, gave him a list of 34 fellow
citizens who - according to Nuhodzic - were against the DPS and
needed to be induced to vote for the party.
Mevludin
Nuhodzic has, meanwhile, denied handing any list of names to
Muratbasic. "It's not my style to force my opinions onto others
in such a way," he said.
Muratbasic insists he did as he
was told, going from door to door and pleading with locals to vote
for the DPS, so that he could keep his job. The people on the list
were mostly cousins, friends and neighbours.
"I
voted for the DPS so Muratbasic could keep his job," Ramiz
Sabanovic, one of the men he visited, told Balkan Insight. "He
asked me, and I agreed to help him."
"All
the men on the list are neighbours or cousins. He is the only man in
this area who works in a state agency and we all agreed to help him,”
said Becir Music, another man from the list.
Muratbasic
told Balkan Insight he now regretted his actions but felt he had had
no choice, "If you decide to tell the truth in this country, you
are bound to ruin yourself."
Ten
days after making his initial confession, 17 other policemen from
Bijelo Polje who had been fired on March 1 sent a message via the
Podgorica weekly, Monitor. "Each one of us is a Muratbasic,"
they said, declining to give their names.
However,
all bar one then ceased contacts with media ahead of a meeting with
Prime Minister Zeljko Sturanovic, Interior Minister Jusuf
Kalamperovic and police chief Veselin Veljovic, at which they hoped
to win a severance payment worth 6,500 euro each. So
far, the police have paid them just under half this amount.
One
of the men, Vlatko Vlaovic, agreed to speak to Balkan Insight in
spite of warnings from colleagues that this could affect their
chances of a pay-off.
He
said Veljovic had met him and about 20 colleagues from Bijelo Polje
on May 17 last year, four days before the country's referendum on
independence from Serbia.
"Don't
worry about employment if we get a state of our own,
"
Veljovic told them, according to Vlaovic.
"Those
were Veljovic's
exact words,"
Vlaovic went on. "We
believed him and have been put to shame. We were dedicated to the
idea of an independent Montenegro, and now it seems as if we
supported independence for our own interest, which is not true."
Veljovic
denies the men's claims but has refused to debate in public with his
former employees.
Vlaovic
and his colleagues have now decided to go to court to claim what they
believe they are entitled to.
"I
would never accept to work in the police again as I have been used
and abused,"
said
Vlaovic.
One
of the policeman who has declined to go public told Balkan Insight he
spent almost ten years in the force and was in a difficult position,
trying to find a good job in his mid-40s.
He
said most of his colleagues were keeping silent not only because they
hope to come to an agreement with the management on pay but because
of political pressures.
"They
are putting pressure on me and my family from all sides to stop me
from telling the truth about how they forced us to 'work' the
electorate before the elections and the referendum,"
he said.
"I
am not allowed to speak out because my cousins in business have been
threatened by the financial police, and I'm out of work and depend on
these cousins for support."
Since
Muratbasic went public with his claims, NGOs and opposition parties
have urged Veljovic and Kalamperovic to put a stop to official
pressure.
In
the legal process against Muratbasic, another charge that has been
made against him has been his public appearance. The police say this
violates the police chief's decision that no officer may talk to the
media without his approval.
Nikola
Martinovic, a lawyer and a member of the Council for Civilian Control
of the Police, says this violates the right to free speech.
"The
police director can forbid anyone from talking to the media without
his approval, but only if those statements are related to official
matters," he said. "Like any other citizen, Muratbasic has
the right to express his dissatisfaction with certain officials'
attitude towards him, or make political assessments of events."
Aleksandar
Zekovic, of the Council for Civilian Control of the Police, said it
would be wrong to concentrate on the offence that Muratbasic had
undoubtedly committed, when the real public interest lay in tackling
the abuse of the police by the DPS.
"We
demand that the interior ministry and police management... devote
their full attention to Muratbasic's claims and the events which he
has talked about," said Zekovic.
Montenegro's
rights ombudsman, Sefko Crnovrsanin, has not commented on the case
but has said his office was investigating it.
Crnovrsanin
told Balkan Insight that because of the public's interest in the
matter and the controversy surrounding the alleged violations of
human rights and free speech, the rights office had asked the
interior ministry to hand over the reports and documents on the basis
of which the policeman was subjected to disciplinary action after his
sacking.
In
the meantime, the opposition parties have reacted sharply; all of
them agree that they had made similar claims to Muratbasic's prior to
his own public confession.
The
Serbian People's Party said that the police chief himself was a vivid
example of the politicisation of the force; a daily newspaper had
published a photograph of him standing in DPS election headquarters
in his native Mojkovac on the day of the last elections on September
10.
"Veljovic
most certainly won't suspend himself for this," said the party
spokesman, Dobrilo Dedeic.
Dejan
Vucicevic, of the Serbian People's Party, said Muratbasic was being
punished for having confessed to acts he had been forced to commit as
a policeman.
"Obtaining
votes through threats and blackmail is still going on," he said.
"Muratbasic is only a confirmation of that."
The
ruling coalition has issued no statements on the Muratbasic case.
However, Dzavit Sabovic, a deputy from the Social Democrats, the
junior partners of the DPS, told the Bijelo Polje paper Polje on
March 1 that he considered the policeman's public appearance
courageous.
"I
was impressed by the civic and human courage shown by policeman
Muratbasic when telling the truth; that a young man did not make
anything up but told it as it is," said Sabovic.
Natasa
Novovic, a former editor of state television, said she feared the
public in Montenegro was not yet mature enough to react properly to
cases of insiders spilling the beans.
"Instead
of people expecting an investigation and wanting to find out the
truth so that the culprits can be punished, the only thing that
happens in Montenegro is something bad to the insider himself,"
Novovic told Balkan Insight.
Novovic
says the State Prosecutor should have reacted at once over the
Muratbasic case and investigated who gave the orders for his
political activities and why. Instead, the state body had failed to
act, just as it had so many times before, he said.
"An
objective probe would have led to the core issues behind the
long-standing survival of the current authorities, which is not an
angle the State Prosecutor would have liked," said Novovic.
Vanja
Calovic, coordinator of the Network for Affirmation of
Non-Government, told Balkan Insight that the Muratbasic case was a
wake-up call for civil society.
"We
need an action plan for the fight against corruption and organised
crime including the adoption of a Protection of Insiders Act,"
said Calovic. "But the government has not even started drafting
it."
Calovic
added, "There is an overall impression that the state is still
seen as party property and as a lever for party power."
Stevo
Muk, head of the Centre for Development of Non-Government
Organisations, said the case deserved special attention because it
shed light on long-standing speculation about electoral fraud and the
police's role in influencing the electorate.
"What
happened to Muratbasic and his subsequent sacking is a terrible
warning to all those who pluck up the courage to speak openly about
abuse in Montenegrin state institutions," said Muk.
Branislav
Tomkovic, Professor at the Podgorica Law School, agreed - the law
offered no protection to insiders, and those who followed in
Muratbasic's footsteps faced the same dangers.
"It
is an ugly truth that whenever someone is 'abused' by a political
option and 'betrays' what he has done, he then finds himself under
the pressure of non-existent charges so that the authorities can get
rid of him more easily and painlessly," said Professor Tomkovic.
But
Muratbasic's lawyer, Labud Sljukic, said his client represented only
the tip of an iceberg of political corruption involving the police.
"Half
the Montenegrin police could end up in jail," he said, "as
since the minimum sentence for the act that Muratbasic confessed to
is six months."
Some
of the ex-policeman's neighbours also voiced surprise that no one had
questioned them before about the pressures they were put under to
vote for the DPS.
"No
one ever questioned us about Muratbasic approaching us to vote for
the DPS," said Muratbasic's neighbour, Abid Sijaric, another
name from the list of 34.
Sead
Sadikovic is a Balkan Insight contributor. Balkan Insight is BIRN’s
online publication.
This article was published with the
support of the British embassy in Belgrade and National Endowment for
Democracy - NED, as part of BIRN's Minority Media Training and
Reporting Project
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