Sound of Music Heals Wounds in Former Yugoslavia
15 11 2007 Pragmatic interests are
replacing the old ideology of “brotherhood and unity” as a motor for renewed
artistic cooperation.
By Davor Konjikušić in Zagreb,
Sarajevo, Belgrade,
Strasbourg, Oslo,
Stockholm, Copenhagen
and Helsinki
“Once a friend, always a
friend, and I made friends first and foremost through music,” says Kebra,
otherwise known as Branislav Babić, lead singer of the Serbian rockband,
Obojeni Program. “Nationality is not important when it comes to that.”
Back in 1991, Kebra found
himself in a situation in which nationality, unfortunately, was everything; a
Serb, he was doing military service in Vinkovci, in northern Croatia, as hostility engulfed Yugoslavia.
His musical links saved
him. Peering out across the barracks fence one day at a crowd of angry Croatian
civilians and police, he spotted a friendly face: Goran Bare, fellow rocker
from the Croatian band, Majke. Somehow they communicated and the following
night, with Bare’s aid, Kebra got hold of civilian clothes, jumped over the
fence and escaped on foot to Hungary.
Kebra and his band are
now again performing in Croatia.
That fact, and the friendly reactions of the audiences, shows that despite the
difficulties still plaguing relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia, its
cultural bonds have proven hard to break.
“If matters were left to
ordinary people, I think this would function without any problems,” Kebra says,
of the renewed exchanges between Serbia
and Croatia.
“But if ‘culture’ is left to politicians, then it depends on them and they will
always find reasons to obstruct things.”
Shortly after Kebra fled
Vinkovci, the Yugoslav Army bombed the town, unleashing the war that was to rip
through the former Yugoslavia
from Croatia to Bosnia and later Serbia, leaving in its wake death,
displacement and destruction.
As new state frontiers
sprung up within Yugoslavia,
so too the cultural scene shattered. But an alternative, pacifist, crowd kept
the flame alive, and with time, and since peace has returned, cooperation and
exchange have flowered, and not only in the field of so-called “high culture”.
Today, cultural exchange
is more and more mainstream, as a common language and interests create
opportunities for artists and business alike, whether it’s avant-garde theatre,
award-winning film, or turbofolk music.
While increased cultural
mobility still faces opposition from those who want to maintain the isolation
of the war years, some hope for the recreation of a wider, Balkan culture. For
others, the Scandinavian model is more appealing, the separate but closely
related states showing how a larger, regional, cultural space can operate.
Free of ideology, they
hope a similar kind of community can emerge in the Balkans, increasing artists’
opportunities and profits while at the same time helping to bring about the
gradual reconciliation of peoples still traumatised by war.
A “cultural common market” went up in
smoke
“It was impossible to
stay here and not be a member of the team,” recalls Rajko Grlić, a leading
Croatian film maker and one of many of the former Yugoslavia’s artists to
suffer the fallout of the cultural collapse brought about by war. Declared persona
non grata in Zagreb, having continued to
work in the early 1990s with Serbian colleagues on several films – Virdžina,
as a producer, and Čaruga, which he directed – Grlić eventually left to
study and later teach in the US.
And it wasn’t only
because Croatia’s
artistic atmosphere changed. “At the same time, many people, mostly in Belgrade, switched
overnight from opposing socialism to taking up nationalist positions. My
disappointment was immense,” he explains.
The popular Croatian
singer and songwriter, Arsen Dedić, a star in Yugoslavia since the early 1960s,
felt the same. As wars raged in Croatia
and Bosnia,
Dedić strove to maintain contacts with colleagues and singers from other former
Yugoslav republics. “How could I hate a friend from Belgrade,
or Kemal Monteno from Sarajevo or Slavo Dimitrov
from Macedonia?”
he asks.
When peace came in 1995,
these pioneers made the first steps towards re-establishing closer cultural
contacts. Matters progressed only slowly, however. Feelings of hatred between
the peoples – a legacy of the huge numbers of war victims - constituted a
serious obstacle. The process did not gather speed until after 2000, when a
new, more tolerant political climate started to replace the nationalist
hysteria of the previous decade.
Today, the biggest music
stars of the old Yugoslavia,
such as Arsen Dedić from Zagreb, Momčilo
“Bajaga” Bajagić from Belgrade, Zabranjeno
Pušenje from Sarajevo, and Goran Bregović,
frontman of Bijelo Dugme, the 1970s rock band from Bosnia, once again perform to
packed concert halls throughout the former state. And it’s not just nostalgia for
evergreens. Contemporary bands are doing the same, suggesting that apart from a
common memory, there exist also common, contemporary interests and tastes.
We do have something in common, after all
Croatia’s popular rock band,
Hladno Pivo, has no Yugoslav pedigree; it emerged only after the republic
became independent. After first gaining popularity in Slovenia, it became a hit in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and, finally, in Serbia, where
the band first held a concert in 2001. “As soon as we could go there to play
our music, we did so. Just like the bands from Serbia which came to play here,”
Zoki, Hladno Pivo’s lead guitarist, recalls.
Film also has growing
cross-border appeal, which Belgrade
actor and producer Zoran Cvijanović puts down to similar aesthetics as well as
a virtually common language. “The truth of the matter is that we understand one
another in these parts, and that’s essential,” he says.
Only a few years ago, the
circulation of actors between Croatia,
Serbia and Bosnia would have
been inconceivable. Now they play parts in one another’s soap operas and films.
In Croatia,
one of the most popular characters in the hit television novella, “Ljubav u
Zaledju” [Love in the Background], is Ogi, played by the Serbian actor,
Nenad Stojimenović.
Extensive exchange in
theatre, especially among the smaller and more alternative companies, is also
taking place. It is the same in modern art, where various organisations are
joining forces on the basis of common interests. Three organisations, the Novi
Sad-based KUDA.ORG, the Centre for Modern Art from Sarajevo and the WHW (What, How
& for Whom) Collective from Zagreb, have been cooperating for years, whilst
their project, Deconstruction of Monuments, has recently captured public
attention thanks to a work named Monument to a Tin, an ironic reference to
the food-aid sent to the besieged residents of Sarajevo from 1992 to 1995.
Despite the isolation and
prejudice of the past 17 years, something special appears to bind the peoples
of these neighbouring countries together. “Someone said at one point that Croatia now
finds Serbian culture no more interesting than Bulgarian culture,” notes
Croatian rock critic and journalist Aleksandar Dragaš. “I don’t believe this is
so.”
This is perhaps most
visible at the annual EXIT music festival in Novi Sad. Since its beginnings in 2000, it
has become a place where the new post-war generation has been able to meet and
rapidly dispel their prejudices. It has become a common sight in Novi Sad’s station to see the Zagreb bus held up by its passengers, as they
kiss their newfound Serbian boy- or girlfriends goodbye.
“At first I did not tell
my parents that I was even going to Serbia,”
says Mirta, a student from Zagreb,
recalling her first EXIT outing. “Today it is OK. Now they know that for the
last three years I have been going to Novi
Sad for the festival. They calmed down when I
explained that I have met many young, decent people there.”
Mirta’s interest in
things Serbian has been ignited by her time spent in the country during EXIT.
“Next year I will also go to the brass bands festival in Guča,” she adds,
referring to the traditional brass band meet in western Serbia, a very
different affair. “Everything here is new and exotic for us,” she explains.
Money also talks
EXIT provides a good
example of how pragmatic business opportunities have been built on cultural
similarities and linguistic understanding. In other words, broken links have
been restored in the quest for greater markets and economies of scale.
Among the first to
realise this were film makers from the former Yugoslav republics. They say it
is easier to work together than with colleagues from other countries, but that
the proliferation of co-productions comes down, moreover, to the chance for
better quality castings gained by targeting a larger pool of actors and
actresses, the similarity of languages, which renders subtitling or dubbing
unnecessary, and the possibility of pooling resources to obtain bigger budgets.
“Everybody immediately
got involved in Slovenian-Croatian, Macedonian-Slovenian and Croatian-Serbian
co-productions, and funds were raised all over the place for these projects,”
award-winning Croatian film director Vinko Brešan recalls.
One high-profile example
is the 2006 film by Rajko Grlić, Karaula [Border Watchtower], a comic
co-production involving five of the six former Yugoslav republics, set on a
pre-war Yugoslav Army base on the border with Albania. To obtain funds from
EUROIMAGE, the European Cinema Support Fund, set up by the Council of Europe to
fund the co-production, distribution and exhibition of European films, Karaula
had to be a project of at least three states. As a result, Croatians,
Slovenians and Macedonians joined forces. But it did not end there, for Serbia and Bosnia soon got in on the act as
well.
“Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia all have one big advantage;
we don’t need subtitles to distribute one another’s films on our markets,”
Brešan says. “In a way, this is a common market for the film industry, and what
was logical eventually happened.”
The public reaction bears
this out. Local productions like Karaula and Brešan’s film Svjedoci [Witnesses],
a wartime film that won the Berlin Festival Peace Film Award in 2004, have
proved extremely popular among Balkan audiences.
The market potential of
this mutual interest is also present on the music scene. In 2005, the global
media giant MTV launched MTV Adria, covering all the former Yugoslav
republics with a market of about 20 million people. Locally owned music
television has also taken off regionally, including the MTS channel
[Music Television Station] which is broadcast from Serbia and the Serbian commercial
station, TV Pink.
The latter is best known
for its Grand Show, a musical extravaganza featuring liberal dollops of turbofolk,
a style involving simple, emotive texts, sung erotically by often
surgically-enhanced beauties.
Despite the fact that turbofolk
is a Serbian genre, widely associated with Serbian nationalism, Croatian
rock critic Aleksander Dragaš says it is increasingly popular in Croatia. His
newspaper, the Zagreb
daily Jutarnji List, conducted a survey on the issue: “It turned out
that 43 per cent of about 1,000 respondents…were listening to turbofolk,”
he says.
The irony is that this
blend of Serbian folk music, popular hits and oriental rhythms, came into vogue
during the rule of Slobodan Milošević in the 1990s, while its best known diva
is Svetlana “Ceca” Raznatović, widow of infamous wartime paramilitary fighter
Željko “Arkan” Raznatović. In spite of that pedigree, and without any real
media support, the musical genre has continued to spread throughout the region,
encompassing Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia and even Kosovo.
The manager of one turbofolk
club in Zagreb
says it all came down to hard cash. “Today, money is all that matters, and
there’s plenty of it in turbofolk,” he notes. “It doesn’t really matter
who or what they are [ie the singers] because Croats fall for it.”
Not everyone likes turbofolk
Turbofolk’s popularity outside Serbia, especially in Croatia, still carries uneasy
connotations from the past, however. While Ceca’s songs boom from many Croatian
nightclubs and cafés, it would be virtually impossible for the singer to stage
a concert in the country.
Journalist Natasa
Bodrožić believes this reveals how far cultural rapprochement between the
former warring nations still has to go. “There are some sporadic examples of
cultural cooperation but there is no real bridge,” she asserts.
She says the media have
not changed in line with the public. So while Croatian hits crowd the Serbian
and Bosnian airways, “no Croatian radio station has played any of the Serbian
songs that competed in the Eurovision song contest, such as this year’s winning
song, Molitva or 2005’s runner up, Lane Moje,” Bodrožić points
out.
Resistance to cultural
cooperation comes from many quarters, including political parties, war victims
and veterans’ groups, but also from artists themselves.
Hladno Pivo’s Zoki does
not deny their existence, or impugn all their motives. “People were left
destitute in the war and lost their loved ones, so I can understand those
people who feel strongly against Serbian bands playing in Croatia,” he
admits.
One of those is the
Croatian actress Vitomira Lončar, who has not visited Belgrade since the war, although once she was
very popular there. “I know for sure that during and after the war none of my
colleagues from Belgrade
tried to get in touch with me,” she recalls. “They never asked how we managed
in the shelters and whether we needed anything.”
Snježana Banović Dolezil,
former director of drama at the Croatian National Theatre, was even forced to
step down in 2002 after a group of actors refused to give a performance in Belgrade that she had
tried to arrange. Some of them said they would not bow to an audience in Belgrade that might
include men who had killed their fellow Croats.
Others blame political
elites who today voice support for cultural cooperation but rarely put their
money where their mouth is. The WHW collective, noted for its art that questions
national myths, sees the softer rhetoric of contemporary officialdom as driven
primarily by a desire to get into the European Union.
“It is a consequence of
this great obsession with the EU, seen as a path to a brighter future, that
officially we have finished with the past,” Sabina Sabolović, a WHW curator,
says. “The process of normalisation has created this outwardly amiable face but
these issues have not been worked out properly and we still have multiple
layers of opposition and intolerance.”
Some critics of the
Croatian culture ministry complain that too much of its budget is spent on
preservation of archeological and national heritage, while only small amounts
are earmarked for cultural products that do not include a strong, overt,
“national” content.
But Irena Guidikova, of
the Directorate for Culture in the Council of Europe, said such quandaries are
common to all transitional countries. “[They], and especially post-communist
societies, have a hard time … striking the balance between investments in
heritage preservation projects and investments into creative processes and
modern art,” she observes.
Bosnia has specific dilemmas in
this regard, as its post-war settlement effectively endorsed the republic’s
wartime division into two zones – one Serbian and the other mainly Bosniak and
Croat. The icy relations between these entities, the Federation and Republika
Srpska, have meant that state culture remains dominated by “national” questions
and labels.
Dunja Blažević, director
of the Bosnian Centre for Contemporary Art, says it also leaves little room for
less overtly national art forms. “Except for film, our federal ministry has no
interest in contemporary arts,” she complains. Meanwhile, national museums and
galleries are neglected, “because they were established by the former state,
and no institution in the Federation is willing to take care of them,” she
adds.
The ethnic divisions in Bosnia – and the experience of the war - also
affects the way Bosnia’s
artists interact with neighbouring Serbia
and Croatia.
Faruk Šehić, a representative of the new wave of Bosnian literature and member of
the so-called “war generation”, says Zagreb
audiences remain more open to Bosnian culture than those in Belgrade.
The reaction to the film Grbavica,
an award-winning 2005 film by Bosnian director Jasmila Žbanić, was, perhaps, illustrative.
The story of one of the many Bosnian women raped by Serbian soldiers during the
war was acclaimed internationally, won the Golden Bear at the Berlin Film
Festival, but has still not been distributed in Serbia, even though the lead
actress, Mirjana Karanović, is Serbian.
Karanović has been
reluctant to politicise this fact. “There is a political background to it, but
I am not sure if that is the main reason,” she says. “All I know is that there
were no reports in Serbia
of the success I have had with this film... And what is not in the papers does
not exist”.
Milena Dragičević Šešić,
rector of the Belgrade
Art School
and one of the region’s foremost cultural experts, is less coy. She puts this
and other examples of cultural exclusivity down to “people with personal
inferiority complexes who need a megalomanic scenario – the myth of Serbian
culture. Those who see in everything a threat.”
Lessons from Scandinavia
Zoki of Hladno Pivo says
the nations of the former Yugoslavia
need to abandon the concept of inherited guilt to embrace reconciliation. “You
can’t blame a whole nation for the crimes of its government of 10 or 15 years
ago,” he says.
He believes artists from
the former Yugoslavia can
also learn from precedents elsewhere in Europe,
where similar problems were once experienced and overcome.
Some former Yugoslav
artists are interested in the concept that underpins ARTE, a cultural TV
channel launched in 1992 to bridge divides between France and Germany, two
countries that have been at war three times since 1870 but which today form the
bedrock of the EU.
Michael Strier, its
communications officer, says the station aims eventually to provide a
Europe-wide service. “We are trying to help people understand and respect the
other culture. If you have no respect for your neighbour, you cannot live
together.”
However, Rajko Grlić
prefers to look to the model presented by the Scandinavian countries as a
potential guide for the former Yugoslav republics. Finland,
Denmark, Sweden and Norway have had a difficult
history, marked by wars and animosities. However, in recent decades they have
developed many mechanisms to facilitate joint operations, actions and cultural
policies.
As Per Svenson of the
Swedish Arts Council puts it, “Nordic cultural cooperation is important because
we have so much in common. We represent small languages on the fringes of Europe, we share history and traditions – and of course
it is important to have good relations with your neighbours.”
His colleague from the
Finnish Arts Council, Saha Hannu, agrees. “Modern cultural cooperation between
Nordic countries is very tight, with regular meetings of ministers of education
and culture, many foundations for cultural activities and nowadays very active
direct collaboration between artists and cultural institutions themselves.”
According to Hannu, “[T]his cooperation is not only important, it is natural.”
Cvijanović believes this
offers hope to his region, as Scandinavian states “have a history quite similar
to that of the Balkan countries”, adding: “I see this as a big opportunity for
ourselves, as we also have plenty of countries in a small space.”
Rajko Grlić agrees:
“There is a great similarity with the Scandinavian countries. It is very
difficult to find a Danish film made without the participation of Sweden and Norway. Regardless of their wealth,
small countries are trying to unite and use the so-called space of similar
sensibility as their primary market”.
Not ready for the Nordic model - yet
Former Yugoslav states
still have some way to go before even the basic conditions for such a level of
cooperation can be met. Intellectual property rights have yet to be dealt with
on a regional level, for example, so that piracy remains rife.
Scandinavian countries,
on the other hand, share special joint regulations backed up necessarily by the
state, civil society, professional associations and private foundations. Decentralisation
is another issue. Many Nordic local authorities and city administrations have
almost the same-sized budgets for cultural projects as the state. Balkan countries
are nowhere near this position.
But Tomas Bokstad from
the Ministry of Culture of Sweden
says there is nothing unique about the models of cultural cooperation the
Nordic states have established. “If you examine the new system of cultural
support in Scandinavian countries, you will see that it can be applied in Europe and beyond,” he says.
As Per Svenson points
out, an important key for Sweden’s
success in pursuing cultural collaboration has been a cultural policy that does
not emphasise “Swedish culture” per se. “The national cultural policy
underlines the importance of internationalism and diversity,” he says. This is
why, despite their conflicting past, “Sweden
and Denmark
work perfectly well together both inside the Nordic culture cooperation systems
and otherwise.”
While cultural co-production
and cooperation is already emerging between Croatia,
Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia on its
own efforts, there is no doubt that governments and professional organisations
must also come out and support the dynamics of natural interest, linguistic
similarity and market forces.
Without this, according
to Milena Dragičević Šešić, examples of cooperation are left up to “personal
initiatives”, and while “this could continue long-term, it can’t change the
general picture”.
She remains, neverthless,
optimistic that the process will gather strength and help lead to a healing of
the war wounds that have distanced the region from the rest of Europe. Even sceptics agree that culture may hold the key
to improved mobility overall, as former foes and mutual victims get the chance
to temper their fears and prejudices through exposure to one another’s cultural
products.
“Objectively speaking, I
believe that culture can play a positive role in reconciliation and it is
possible that this might be one of the key roles of culture,” Lončar says.
“Maybe our children, who are not burdened with what we have been through, will
be able to develop a different perspective.”
This article was produced as part of the
Balkan Fellowship for Journalistic Excellence, an initiative of the Robert
Bosch Stiftung and ERSTE Foundation, in cooperation with the Balkan
Investigative Reporting Network, BIRN.
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